MODI’S CHARISMA & SHAH’S GROUNDWORK STEER BJP T0 BE THE SINGLE LARGEST PARTY IN BIHAR : DR JAGDEESH CHANDRA

Reflecting on NDA’s massive victory in Bihar polls, Dr Jagdeesh Chandra stresses that Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar’s coordinated messaging reshaped voter behaviour, particularly among women, by projecting unity and mutual acceptance. He opines that Modi remains unmatched globally as an electoral force whose image alone can secure victories from village panchayats to Parliament. Dr Chandra adds that the Modi–Shah combination has made local leadership largely irrelevant, centralising strategy and execution. He describes Modi’s confidence as a product of divine strength, relentless hard work and conviction. He also reflects on the rise of strongmen, the media frenzy around Mokama, and PK’s political future after a severe electoral setback. (Part-II)

• Do you believe that the women’s card, initially introduced by Nitish Kumar, gradually shifted towards Narendra Modi? Why did Bihar’s women choose Modi’s Rs 10,000 assistance over Tejashwi’s Rs 30,000 offer?
  Dr Jagdeesh Chandra: Initially, it was Nitish Kumar’s initiative, but gradually most of the credit shifted to Narendra Modi. When you place two images in front of a woman — Nitish Kumar and Narendra Modi — and ask her whom she will vote for, 100% her preference will be Modi. At least 80% of people, if asked, would prefer Narendra Modi’s face. So, knowingly or unknowingly, without any specific design, Nitish Kumar’s women-centric card shifted completely to Narendra Modi. There is no doubt about that. Regarding the second question — lack of credibility and lack of trust. Narendra Modi is the reverse of this. He has 100% guarantee, 100% trust. Some part of it extends to Nitish Kumar as well. When comparing Narendra Modi and Tejashwi, people voted for Modi. Women preferred Narendra Modi. The credibility crisis surrounding Tejashwi’s `30,000 promise was the main reason people did not trust it.
• Beyond the women’s empowerment card of Modi and Nitish Kumar, what is it in Narendra Modi’s personality and leadership that changed the direction of the Bihar election?
  This is a subject of research. Whatever Narendra Modi says becomes a slogan, a chant. When he said “garda udda diya,” here we are doing an entire JC Show on it. Soon you will see him go to Bengal and ‘garda uda’ that election as well. There is a divine power, a divine miracle — a divine blessing in his speech. It feels as if Saraswati resides in his voice. Whatever he says changes the direction of the wind. His words hit the mark every election. This power — his ability to influence people — his speech, his voice, is extraordinary. Second, his personality has become such that even illiterate people — forget North India — even in the NorthEast know Narendra Modi’s name. Whether they know anybody else or not, they know him. Something in his personality seems God-gifted. That becomes a decisive factor in elections. Women’s votes are one part, the `10,000 assistance is another. But the real reason is Narendra Modi’s charm — the attraction, the craze for his personality. Someone told me this vote is not only a vote; it is a vote of trust for Narendra Modi — and to some extent Nitish Kumar. His personality is such that it deserves research to understand why he is so popular. He does not even travel everywhere — he sits in Delhi, travels only to an extent — and yet people in places he has never visited are fans of his name. It is God-gifted.
• During the election, Narendra Modi introduced a new narrative for voters, especially women voters, saying, “Your two brothers Narendra and Nitish are working for you.” What impact did this new chemistry have on voters?
  It worked very well. First, a message of unity went out that Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar are one. At the grassroots level, people who were acting separately and discussing among themselves that they would not transfer their votes to each other, or that local leaders would make strategies according to their own calculations – all of that dissolved. There was an attempt by one camp in Patna to create an atmosphere that Nitish Kumar had brought in the woman-vote advantage and that this card belonged to them, but that too was washed away. Narendra Modi showed magnanimity by stepping forward and saying, “Now tell me, what is the Narendra–Nitish pair?” There is no alternative to this. He himself accepted Nitish Kumar and recognised him, which gave the equation a kind of dignity. Those within JDU who wanted to claim that the women’s card was theirs saw that argument collapse completely. Modi went ahead and said that they are together and will work for the cause of women.
• From an international perspective, do you think there is any other leader in the world like Narendra Modi who can not only contest elections at any level but also make others win purely on the strength of his image?
  Very interesting. I had not thought about it, but it is a fact. There is no one. Trump was drowned in his own arrogance and swagger; he could not win a mayoral election under his nose. In New York and nearby places, he could not make candidates win; his party had to face defeat. And then look at Narendra Modi – from gram panchayat members to MLAs, MPs and even chief ministers, everyone circulates his photo and campaigns using his image. Across the country, from sarpanch to chief minister to prime minister, elections take place using this model. Perhaps this is the first country in the world where such a phenomenon exists.
  The second aspect of this is that local leadership has become irrelevant; no one has any real role left. Narendra Modi and Amit Shah go, and they sweep the elections. Others have no role. We have to accept this. Some people used to say that only two people are running the party, and that is a fact – but not in the sense that only two are running it. Rather, two people are struggling, working hard, forming strategies, standing in elections, winning elections, and the benefit goes to everyone else. It is a peculiar situation. India is the first country where this has happened. Modi sets policy and vision, and Amit Shah goes to the field to execute it like a commander. The party wins elections, and the ultimate beneficiaries are all the sarpanches, MLAs, MPs, ministers and even the RSS. If you analyse this election, you will see that 10–20% of the effort came from the few who actively campaigned – Yogi Adityanath worked well, Nadda went, some others like Rajnath Singh also went – but broadly speaking, the Bihar election is essentially the victory of two individuals. And it also shows that local leadership now simply follows orders. Do not waste time on local politics; Delhi has taken responsibility for giving tickets and making candidates win. There is probably no other country in the world where this happens. They are lucky.
• In West Champaran, Prime Minister Modi held his final campaign rally and said he would return only on the day of the oath-taking ceremony. Where does this level of confidence come from?
  Divine strength, hard work, effort, courage, conviction and commitment – that is where it comes from. It is truly remarkable. The oath was taking place and Narendra Modi was already heading there. He has performed many miracles in his life; this is another one. Whatever he says happens. His confidence must be acknowledged. He said it that day, and it turned out to be true. Now he is going for the oath ceremony; it is nice to see.
• The Prime Minister’s ‘Mera Booth, Sabse Majboot’ campaign became a game changer. How do you see it?
  This is a fact. This is the essence of grassroots working, and the results are clearly visible. Booth management is extremely significant, and Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and JP Nadda have worked extensively on it. I heard that they held three or four video-conference sessions with lakhs of workers. The message of ‘Mera Booth, Sabse Majboot’ reached everyone – that the Prime Minister is so concerned and directly connected even with a village-level worker or a single voter. Then he encouraged them: make my booth the strongest. It was a nice experiment within the BJP, and it delivered results.
• After so much controversy, how did JDU strongman Anant Singh still manage to win the election?
  Strongmen do win elections. In 2015, he was in jail and still won. Back then he was a convict, but this time his conviction had been overturned. His wife contested earlier and won; this time he contested himself and was doing well. The issue arose when RJD fielded a candidate from the same caste, creating an equal contest. Then a third candidate jumped in – someone from PK’s party got a ticket from the same constituency where Anant Singh was contesting, with the RJD candidate on the other side. This third candidate, Piyush, jumped into the fray. Piyush managed to approach Dularchand, who was also a strongman, and Dularchand started working for Piyush. But Piyush was backward caste, and it seemed his presence was hurting Anant Singh’s vote. A clash occurred between both sets of workers. I heard that during the clash someone came under a vehicle; then there were reports of gunfire, followed by another version that it was actually a heart attack. This is a matter for criminal investigation – how the death occurred or did not occur. Such incidents happened. And in Bihar and UP, victory of strongmen is nothing new. He won again. He was also Lalan Singh’s candidate; Lalan Singh is a force in himself, and his support was behind him. His constituency has always been colourful. So this entire sequence unfolded, and being a strongman, he won the election.
• Did Anant Singh’s constituency, Mokama, become a pilgrimage site during Bihar election?
  Absolutely. You are right. All journalists went there, and everyone was welcomed with a lot of fanfare in that constituency. Many felt that if they had not visited Mokama, their election coverage would be incomplete. People travelled despite the lack of an airport and felt that an airport should exist there. Candidate contesting from the area had a strong pull. There would hardly be a journalist or media house that did not visit Mokama. There was grandeur, and television channels showed visuals of lakhs of people eating, arriving and leaving. It became a spectacle of polls. From a media perspective, in terms of TRP, it became an attractive location, and that is why it was said this village had become a pilgrimage site in the Bihar election.
• PK also campaigned extensively in these elections, but he could not open his account. What future do you see for him in Bihar politics?
  His present situation is that he has been badly defeated. He did not win a single seat; deposits of 99% of his candidates were forfeited. But he is not disappointed. He says he works on tenyear projects. Earlier, when he worked for the UN, he completed ten-year assignments. Now he plans to stay in Patna for the next ten years. He will campaign in Patna, then leave in between to campaign for Mamata, or to work on strategy in Kerala or Chennai, but otherwise he intends to stay in Patna and work there. He had good issues. In the overall atmosphere, he built his branding, raised issues, and among the people of Bihar he earned a certain respect. Politically he lost, but in terms of personal respect, he gained some ground. Some said he would become the next Kejriwal, but there are many differences; it is a long story. Overall, it appears he will continue working in Patna. He must have spent a lot of money – whatever he had earned earlier – but now he is again going to campaign for Mamata and may recover his losses. Then he will stand again in Bihar and work somewhat at the grassroots level. That is what I feel.

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